Wednesday, January 12, 2005

Witness: CIA and SEALs Beat Prisoners During Interrogation in Iraq

by Seth Hettena
From Common Dreams

Witness: CIA and SEALs Beat Prisoners During Interrogation in Iraq
by Seth Hettena


SAN DIEGO - A former Navy SEAL says he saw fellow SEALs and CIA officials kick, choke and eye-gouge detainees at a U.S. military base in Iraq.

The former SEAL testified at a military hearing Monday that he saw "interrogation by means of abuse" take place at Camp Jenny Pozzi, the SEAL base at Baghdad International Airport

He said a prisoner under interrogation by the CIA was abused in October 2003 by two or three SEALs. On another occasion a month later, the witness said he watched as SEALs punched, choked and poked their fingers in the eye of Iraqi Manadel al-Jamadi, who also was punched by a CIA official when he didn't answer questions.

Al-Jamadi, a suspect in the bombing of a Red Cross facility in Iraq, died a few hours after he was captured during a joint CIA-special operations mission in November 2003. He died while being interrogated by CIA personnel in the shower room of the Abu Ghraib prison.

The former SEAL, who was not identified, was the government's main witness at Monday's Article 32 hearing.

The hearing, the military equivalent of a civilian grand jury, was for a Navy SEAL lieutenant who is accused of assault, maltreatment and conduct unbecoming an officer for his handling of detainees, including al-Jamadi.

A Navy officer hearing the evidence will make a recommendation whether the lieutenant, who was not identified, should face a court-martial.

Although the lieutenant is not charged with al-Jamadi's death, it could be an aggravating factor that could yield stiffer punishment.

The ex-SEAL who testified Monday, and who also served under the lieutenant in Iraq, was kicked out of the elite unit after he was convicted of stealing a fellow SEAL's bulletproof vest - an act that earned him the nickname "Klepto." The sailor said he saw the lieutenant abuse prisoners, including al-Jamadi, three times.

Defense attorney Matthew Freedus challenged the ex-SEAL's credibility during his two-hour cross examination.

Howard Dean is Running for Head of Dem Party

Thanks Aminah for bringing this to my attention!

From : Gov. Howard Dean, M.D.
Sent : Tuesday, January 11, 2005 1:08 PM
To : Aminah Yaquin
Subject : I'm Running

| | | Inbox


Dear Aminah Yaquin,

As I have traveled across our country, I have talked to thousands of
people who are working for change in their own communities about the
power of politics to make a difference in their own lives and in the
lives of others. Every group I have spoken to, I encouraged them to
stand up for what they believe and to get involved in the electoral
process -- because the only sure way to make difference is to step
up and run for office yourself.

Today, I'm announcing my candidacy for the Chairmanship of the
Democratic National Committee.

The Democratic Party needs a vibrant, forward-thinking, long-term
presence in every single state and we must be willing to contest
every race at every level. We will only win when we show up and
fight for the issues important to all of us.

Another integral part of our strategy must be cultivating the
party's grassroots. Our long term success depends on all of us
taking an active role in our party and in the political process, by
volunteering, going door to door and taking the Democratic message
into every community, and by organizing at the local level. After
all, new ideas and new leaders don't come from consultants; they
come from communities.

As important as organization is, it alone can no longer win us
elections. Offering a new choice means making Democrats the party of
reform -- reforming America's financial situation, reforming our
electoral process, reforming health care, reforming education and
putting morality back in our foreign policy. The Democratic Party
will not win elections or build a lasting majority solely by
changing its rhetoric, nor will we win by adopting the other side's
positions. We must say what we mean -- and mean real change when we
say it.

But most of all, together, we have to rebuild the American
community. We will never succeed by treating our nation as a
collection of separate regions or separate groups. There are no red
states or blues states, only American states. And we must talk to
the people in all of these states as members of one community.

That word -- 'values' -- has lately become a codeword for
appeasement of the right-wing fringe. But when political
calculations make us soften our opposition to bigotry, or sign on to
policies that add to the burden of ordinary Americans, we have
abandoned our true values.

We cannot let that happen. And we cannot just mouth the words. Our
party must speak plainly and our agenda must clearly reflect the
socially progressive, fiscally responsible values that bring our
party -- and the vast majority of Americans -- together.

All of this will require both national perspective and local
experience. I know what it's like to lead hands-on at the state
level and I know what it's like to run for national office.

With your help, this past election season, Democracy for America,
already started creating the kind of organization the Democratic
Party can be. This past election cycle, we endorsed over 100
candidates at all levels of government -- from school board to U.S.
Senate. We contributed almost a million dollars to nearly 750
candidates around the country and raised millions of dollars for
many more candidates.

Together, we helped elect a Democratic governor in Montana, a
Democratic mayor of Salt Lake County, Utah and an African American
woman to the bench in Alabama. Fifteen of the candidates we endorsed
had never run for office before -- and won.

I also have experience building and managing a local party
organization. My career started as Democratic Party chair in
Chittenden County, Vermont. I then ran successful campaigns: for
state legislature, lieutenant governor and then governor. In my 11-
year tenure as governor, I balanced the state's budget every year.

I served as chair of both the National Governors' Association and
the Democratic Governors' Association (DGA). And as chair of the
DGA, I helped recruit nearly 20 governors that won -- even in states
like Alabama, Georgia, North Carolina, South Carolina and
Mississippi.

All of these experiences have only reaffirmed what I know to be
true. There is only one party that speaks to the hopes and dreams of
all Americans. It is the party you have already given so much to. It
is the Democratic Party.

We can win elections only by standing up for what we believe.

Thank you and I look forward to listening to your concerns in the
weeks ahead.

Governor Howard Dean, M.D.

Free Iraq: The Responsibility of Withdrawal

Free Iraq: The Responsibility of Withdrawal

The war policies of President Bush present Congress with a paradox: It is unthinkable for the U.S. to leave Iraq as a failed state, yet a continuing U.S. military presence in Iraq may well lead to a failed state.

When the 109th Congress convenes in January, will Congress "stay the course" and fund the same failed war policies of the past two years, or will it condition funding on the U.S. implementing new policies to de-escalate the violent conflict, to end the occupation, and to return Iraq to Iraqis?

To "stay the course" means confronting insurgent violence with greater U.S. violence. The temptation to stay the course stems partly from a denial of the reality that the U.S. preventive war and nation-building experiment in Iraq have failed. "Success" for the U.S. in Iraq is no longer an option, if it ever was. War is not the answer.

Some argue that U.S. responsibility under international law to restore security and protect civilians in Iraq demands that the U.S. military remain and help stabilize the country. In fact, the presence and offensive operations of U.S. troops have become the greatest threats to Iraq’s future. U.S. offensives, including aerial bombings, city sieges (witness Fallujah), and neighborhood sweeps, foster resentment among Iraqis, fuel the insurgency, and threaten civilian lives. Iraqi security forces are attacked more often when U.S. troops are present, and the Green Zone--a barricaded neighborhood housing the interim Iraqi government along side the U.S. embassy--has become a prime target for suicide bombings and mortar attacks.

Arguably, sufficient military force could overcome the insurgency with time. "Sufficient" might mean a U.S. troop strength of a quarter million or more staying for a decade. That will not happen, and, because of the inevitable civilian casualties, it would not be recommendable. To fulfill the moral and legal obligations it has incurred to help rebuild Iraq, the U.S. must now accept its responsibility and withdraw.

U.S. Failing to Meet its Obligations

The Bush administration continues to claim its experiment in building democracy through war is on track. In fact, since the invasion and occupation nearly two years ago, the U.S. has failed to meet its obligations under international law to restore security, support reconstruction, and return sovereignty to Iraqis. Instead, the occupation has been mired in a long list of missteps, scandals, and abuses. Moreover, any progress made toward a new political order in Iraq has been eclipsed by the surging violence and swelling resentment of many Iraqis.

In the lead up to Iraq’s January 30 elections, the U.S. is now adding 12,000 troops. Pentagon officials have said any future reductions of the total 150,000 U.S. troop force will be "determined by events on the ground." But recent events on the ground have only escalated the violence.

In February, the White House is expected to send Congress a fourth war "supplemental" spending request, adding an estimated $80 billion-$100 billion to the more than $187 billion already appropriated. The war has cost far more and lasted far longer than the administration estimated in 2003.

The human costs of the war now include 1,300 U.S. troops killed and some 8,000 wounded; an estimated 100,000 Iraqi civilian deaths from war and occupation; as many as 100,000 returning U.S. troops in need of mental health care; billions of dollars in Iraqi revenue and reconstruction funds lost due to violence, war-profiteering, and mismanagement of funds by U.S. authorities; and rising anti-U.S. sentiment globally.

Steps Toward Withdrawal

When the President sends his next war supplemental to Congress, legislators should condition any further funding on the U.S. taking clear steps toward the withdrawal of all its troops and bases from Iraq and support for Iraqi-led reconstruction.

Meeting U.S. moral and legal obligations to restore security and rebuild Iraq requires the removal--not build-up--of U.S. forces. FCNL calls on the Administration and Congress to:

* Cease fire: Halt U.S. military actions immediately;

* Declare withdrawal policy: Congress should pass a "leave no bases behind" resolution, declaring that U.S. policy is to withdraw all U.S. forces and bases from Iraq;

* End the occupation: Withdraw immediately U.S. forces from major population centers to remote temporary bases and shift to a limited role of providing border control and assuring Iraq’s territorial integrity until other security forces can take over;

* Support Iraqi sovereignty: Fund Iraqi efforts to re-employ ministry staff, train new police and security forces;

* Nationalize reconstruction: Give Iraqis control over reconstruction funds, terminate contracts with U.S. contractors and turn projects over to Iraqis, and provide transparent accounting of all U.S. contracts;

* Stabilize Iraq: Commit to long-term U.S. financial support for Iraqi-led reconstruction.



While the U.S. cannot fulfill its dual responsibilities to withdraw its forces and support Iraqi rebuilding easily or without cost, these steps could help break the cycle of violence, undercut the insurgency, save lives, and give control of Iraq’s future back to Iraqis.

Reprinted from the January 2005 Washington Newsletter. For more information see www.fcnl.org